GUN laws are a matter of
life and death, reckoned both groups of protesters outside
the Supreme Court on March 18th. One side argued that
sensible curbs on gun ownership save lives. The other side
retorted that if you outlaw guns, only criminals will carry
them. Plus the police, of course, but gun-lovers don't find
that terribly reassuring. “When seconds count, the police
are only minutes away,” read one placard.
The oddly punctuated
second amendment to America's constitution says: “A well
regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free
State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall
not be infringed.” Does this mean that all Americans may own
guns, or only those who serve in a militia? Oddly, given how
emotive this dispute
is, the Supreme Court has never settled it. But the case of
District of Columbia v Heller, which was argued this
week, gives it a chance to do just that.
The Heller case is an appeal from Parker v.
District of Columbia, a decision in which the
United States Court of Appeals for the
District of Columbia became the first
federal appeals court in
the
United States to rule that
a
firearm ban was an
unconstitutional infringement of the
Second Amendment to the United States
Constitution stating:
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"We conclude that
the Second Amendment protects an individual
right to keep and bear arms. That right existed
prior to the formation of the new government
under the Constitution and was premised on the
private use of arms for activities such as
hunting and self-defense, the latter being
understood as resistance to either private
lawlessness or the depredations of a tyrannical
government (or a threat from abroad). In
addition, the right to keep and bear arms had
the important and salutary civic purpose of
helping to preserve the citizen militia. The
civic purpose was also a political expedient for
the Federalists in the First Congress as it
served, in part, to placate their
Anti-federalist opponents. The individual right
facilitated militia service by ensuring that
citizens would not be barred from keeping the
arms they would need when called forth for
militia duty. Despite the importance of the
Second Amendment's civic purpose, however, the
activities it protects are not limited to
militia service, nor is an individual's
enjoyment of the right contingent upon his or
her continued or intermittent enrollment in the
militia . . .
Once it is determined--as we have done--that
handguns are 'Arms' referred to in the Second
Amendment, it is not open to the District to ban
them ... That is not to suggest that the
government is absolutely barred from regulating
the use and ownership of pistols. The
protections of the Second Amendment are subject
to the same sort of reasonable restrictions that
have been recognized as limiting, for instance,
the First Amendment." |
This will be the first time
since
United States v. Miller
in 1939 that the Supreme Court will directly addressed the
scope of the Second Amendment. At issue is the near-total
ban on handguns in Washington, DC. Dick Heller, a federal
security guard who carries a gun while protecting his fellow
citizens, wants one at
home to protect himself. The city says he can't have one
under the
provisions of the
Firearms Control Regulations Act of
1975, a local law enacted by the City Council and
Mayor of the
District of Columbia. The
law limits the ability of residents to own
side arms, and restricts
residents, except active and retired law enforcement
officers, from owning
handguns. The law also
requires that all firearms including
rifles and
shotguns be kept "unloaded,
disassembled, or bound by a trigger lock."
The Supreme Court heard
oral arguments in the case
on
March 18,
2008. Chief Justice
John Roberts asked the city's lawyer how long he needs to
switch off his trigger lock (which requires entering a
three-digit code) when a criminal is climbing through the
window. About three seconds, was the answer. "Presumably,"
said Justice Roberts, "you must first turn on the lamp and
pick up your reading glasses?" The gallery seemed to find
this most amusing.
But the case will turn on
something more fundamental. The city wants the court to rule
that Americans have a right to bear arms only in service of
a government militia. Failing that, Washington DC wants its
ban on handguns to be accepted as a "reasonable
regulation of property under modern constitutional law" and
"be allowed so long as it is
rationally related to achieving a
legitimate purpose in preserving public order and
welfare" as described in Parker and upheld in recent
cases such as
United States v. Emerson.
Due to the controversial
nature of the case, it has garnered much attention from many
groups on both sides of the gun rights issue. Many of these
groups have filed
amicus curiae ("friend
of the court") briefs, about 47--including the NRA, a
majority of the members of congress, Vice President Cheney,
Senator John McCain, and the governors of Texas and
Montana--urging the court to affirm the case and about
20--including the
Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence,
Democratic presidential candidates Hillary
Clinton and Barack Obama, the Governors of New York, Hawaii,
Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, California, and Puerto
Rico, and a
number of city mayors, police chiefs and law enforcement
organizations--to
overturn it.
Several politicians from the state of
Montana, including the
Montana Secretary of State, have signed a joint resolution
asserting that, if the Supreme Court rules against an
individual-rights interpretation of the second amendment,
the
compact between the United States and
Montana would be violated, and that the state
"reserves all usual rights and remedies under historic
contract law" should that occur.
One can rarely be sure
what the nine Supreme Court judges are thinking, but there
were several hints that at least some of them think the
second amendment protects what Anthony Kennedy, who is often
the swing vote, calls “a general right to bear arms”. If a
majority agrees, the DC gun ban,
which is the nation's strictest, will probably be struck
down.
But the court's ruling,
which may not come for weeks, will probably be quite narrow.
Mr Roberts, for one, prefers to rule narrowly whenever
possible. Too wide a decision would threaten every gun curb
in the country, perhaps even the national ban on
machineguns. But even a narrow ruling could affect similar
bans in other cities, like New York.
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